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Krishnamurti The Mirror of Relationship by J. La lama del cacciatore. Forgotten Realms, Volume 2 by R. Stein What Can Live in the Mountains? Martin Prophecy in its ancient Near Eastern context: Mesopotamian, biblical, and There are numerous occasions, throughout his career, in which he grapples with foreign, or imperial, affairs: when prosecuting or defending provincial governors accused of extortion, when speaking in cases concerning the claims to citizenship by men not born Roman, and when he contributes to debates before the people or in the Senate concerning the choice of commanders for particular military campaigns.

The relevant speeches are the Verrines, the pro Flacco, pro Fonteio, and pro Scauro as speeches in repetundae trials; the two speeches from citizenship trials, the pro Archia and the pro Balbo; and the speeches de imperio Cn. Pompei and de prouinciis consularibus. This book addresses this oddly neglected group of works, which are the chief contemporary sources for the imperialism of the late Republic.

Moreover, they offer the spectacle of a key figure in the political life of the late Roman republic grappling with the issues and problems which lie at the heart of the transformation of that political system into a monarchy; and, through the conundrum of a speaker on imperial issues who had extra- ordinarily little exposure on a practical level to the empire, or to the military activity which was its essential underpinning, these speeches also provide an opportunity to explore the means by which Cicero seeks to present himself as an authoritative speaker and, by extension, as an authoritative public figure.

I argue that he is operating, in the speeches, with a concept of empire which depends not on territory, but on the power wielded by individuals, and that this in turn means that the problems which arise in the running of empire can be presented as the result of personal failings rather than endemic to the structures of government: questions of morality rather than administration. But a moralizing view of empire which concentrates on the failings of individuals is not simply, I contend, the result of incomprehension.

Press, ; J. It is not only modern scholars who treat empire as a factor in the fall of the Republic. Already Polybius sees the expansion of Rome and the wealth to which the ruling classes now have access as sources of political instability and change. Once the republican system of government has come to an end, Sallust and Livy both connect the change of Empire: The Development of the Roman Imperium in the East from to 62 B. Berkeley: Univ. Polybius states his question, more pungently than my paraphrase, at 1.

Press, ; cf. Rich and G.

Shipley eds. Meier, Res publica amissa, 2nd edn. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, ; P. Press, ; contra E. They are thus a valuable corrective to the mournful schematization of a Livy or a Sallust. Pompei and de prouinciis consularibus, directly address issues arising from this development. The other speeches which I examine deal with issues, pro- vincial misgovernment and access to citizenship, which are not on the surface so crucial to the transition from Republic to Empire, but which were matters for considerable concern and debate about the running of the empire at the time when Cicero spoke.

The repetundae trials are ultimately concerned with the duties of the holder of imperium, and with the mechanisms by which the Roman state can control such individuals. This is precisely the same issue, albeit on a smaller scale and relating to more obscure people, as the one raised by the exceptional commands held by Pompeius and Caesar.

How to control the behaviour of governors was a considerable problem: we know of a large number of convictions on extortion charges and it would be overly cynical to deny that the Senate was concerned about the behaviour of its members. Introduction 7 is clear that the possibility of being prosecuted for corruption was a considerable anxiety even for governors who kept their hands clean. However, the autonomy of governors in the field meant that the only actual constraint on their behaviour was the threat of prosecution, and the legal system in Rome was sufficiently uncertain, and indeed corrupt, that it was if not an empty at least a far from compelling threat.

Moreover, measures to control corruption were liable to subversion even when they were not ignored. The conclusion of the Social War had led to the extension of the franchise throughout Italy, but without any transformation in the structures of Roman government to accommodate a vast number of new citizens who were not resi- dent in the city.

A law was passed to enable Pompeius Magnus to grant citizenship in Spain, and both Crassus and Caesar attempted to raise the peoples beyond the Po from the Latin status they had acquired in 89 to full Roman citizenship. The citizenship cases in which Cicero appeared were thus not simply anomalies, but nor were 9 See Sect. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship, 2nd edn.


Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, ; on the enfranchise- ment of Italy in particular, H. Dio says merely that the censors disagreed about the issue, to the extent that they both resigned their office, and does not say which censor was proposing it. It seems much more probable, however, that Crassus was in favour and Catulus resisted, than vice versa.

For Caesar and the Transpadanes, see Sect. These speeches offer, therefore, a way into key political debates of the late Republic. What was the appropriate remuneration for a provincial governor, and how should the state intervene to balance the wishes of its representatives and the welfare of its subjects? What were the criteria for being a Roman citizen? This last question—who is a Roman? And insofar as attention is directed outside Rome, it is to the military activity which can be invoked as an impor- tant factor in this historical process.

Press, ; S. Press, ; E. Press, ; D. Mattingly ed. Laurence and J. Berry eds. Press, For a non-classical perspective, cf. Introduction 9 I. But I should stress that this book is not intended as a direct contribution to the debate on Roman imperialism, nor even, primarily, is it about the conceptualization of empire at the end of the Republic; the focus of my inquiry is about the practice of oratory: the strategies through which Cicero makes oratory a politically effective tool.